Road rage, characterized by aggressive or violent behavior exhibited by motorists, has become a significant concern in urban environments worldwide (Rajvinder, 2022). Road rage is a global phenomenon that manifests differently across cultural, social, and economic contexts. While the triggers and expressions of road rage share some universal characteristics, such as frustration with traffic delays or aggressive behavior by other drivers, the patterns vary significantly between societies (Milanko, 2022). These variations are shaped by cultural norms, socio-economic conditions, governance structures, and the prevailing attitudes toward authority and interpersonal conflict. Understanding these differences is critical for designing effective interventions, particularly in diverse regions such as Africa, where societal norms and urban dynamics differ markedly from those in Western or Asian societies (Ohajinwa-Udonna-Ogbue et al., 2023). For instance, societies with a high emphasis on communal harmony may discourage overt displays of aggression, even under provocation, while individualistic cultures may tolerate or even normalize assertive behavior in personal spaces, including vehicles. In societies, where communal values are prevalent, road rage often arises from breaches of perceived social etiquette, such as the failure to acknowledge right-of-way or verbal confrontations that escalate due to ‘face-saving’ tendencies. In contrast, other societies, with a higher emphasis on personal space and strict adherence to traffic rules, may see road rage emerge from perceived violations of these rules (McNally & Bradley, 2014). For example, incidents such as tailgating or cutting across lanes without signaling often provoke strong reactions. In highly urbanized cities, road rage may be influenced by hierarchical societal structures, where interactions often mirror broader societal norms related to power and respect.

In Lagos Metropolis, Nigeria's largest and most congested city, road rage incidents are increasingly prevalent (Balogun et al., 2012; Ohajinwa-Udonna-Ogbue et al., 2023). This phenomenon, fueled by the unique socio-economic and infrastructural challenges of the city, poses a threat to public safety, mental health, and social harmony. Exploring the triggers and patterns of road rage in this context provides critical insights into its underlying causes and potential interventions. Lagos, with a population exceeding 20 million, is characterized by heavy traffic congestion, inadequate road infrastructure, and a high volume of diverse road users, including private vehicles, commercial buses (danfos), motorcycles (okadas), and pedestrians. These factors create a chaotic and competitive environment that can exacerbate frustrations and lead to conflict among road users. Road rage, often manifesting as verbal abuse, reckless driving, or physical confrontations, disrupts traffic flow, increases the risk of accidents, and heightens tensions in an already stressful urban setting (Atubi, 2010). Several triggers of road rage in Lagos Metropolis can be identified, including prolonged traffic jams, poor road conditions, perceived disrespect by other road users, and the erratic driving behavior of commercial vehicle operators. Additionally, cultural and socio-economic factors such as impatience, societal pressures, and limited access to stress-relief mechanisms further contribute to aggressive behaviors on the road. The interplay of these factors reveals distinct patterns of road rage incidents, often concentrated during peak traffic hours or in areas with high vehicular density. By identifying the factors that lead to aggressive driving behavior, policymakers and stakeholders can develop targeted interventions to mitigate its occurrence.

Road rage, a phenomenon increasingly recognized in urban driving environments, has become a critical concern for both transportation systems and public health. Walters and Crooner (2001) stated that although popular opinion agrees that “road rage” is increasingly prevalent in urban driving environment of which Lagos is one, improvements at freeway bottlenecks can significantly help in reducing if not eliminating the rage. This is because of the tendency for reduced aggressive behaviors by drivers when the road is clear and free compared to bottlenecks. Also, given the link between human health and transportation, and based on the description of road rage, classified as a medical condition of mental health variety that is referred toa s intermittent explosive disorder (Sean et al, 2013; Becourtney, 2024). Indeed, Bjureberg and Gross (2021) also averred that road rage is related to changes in experience, behavior, and peripheral physiology which relates to mental condition. As such, the mental health conditions of drivers in Lagos metropolis is vital because mental health problems in driving can be regarded as a potential hazard and threat to the safe and smooth operation of the transportation system (Udonna-Ogbue et al., 2023).

While there appears to be a connection between anger, driving anger, aggressive vehicle, and road rage (Bjureberg and Gross, 2021), driving anger, defined as “anger that occurs in response to driving-related stimuli while operating a vehicle or riding in one as a passenger” (Galovski et al., 2006, p. 19) is not always related to aggressive driving (Deffenbacher et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2016). Aggressive driving is a “driving behavior that intentionally (whether fueled by anger or frustration or as a calculated means to an end) endangers others psychologically, physically or both” (Ellison-Porter et al., 2001, p. 432). Therefore, it is critical to consider the mental (Udonna-Ogbue et al. 2023) and emotional state (Bjureberg and Gross, 2021) of vehicle drivers in Lagos metropolis in that regard. Indeed, literature reveals that road rage is often associated with increased heart rate, respiration rate, and altered beta- and delta- waves (Herrero-Fernandez, 2016; Wan et al., 2017; Yan et al, 2018) which influence drivers’ behavior. Deffenbacher et al. (2002) identified three behaviors through which drivers express road rage as: verbal behavior i.e., cursing, physical expression i.e., stepping outside the car or vehicle to engage in a physical fight, and physical expression using the driver’s car or vehicle i.e., repeated horning or honking.

From a theoretical standpoint, the State-Trait Model of Aggression offers a robust theoretical framework for understanding road rage by delineating the distinction between temporary and enduring forms of aggression. Originally developed in broader psychological research, the model categorizes aggression into two core components: state aggression and trait aggression. State aggression refers to temporary emotional responses triggered by situational factors, such as environmental stressors or immediate provocations, while trait aggression reflects a stable personality characteristic that predisposes individuals to act aggressively across various contexts (Spielberger, 1972). When applied to driving behaviors, this model enables researchers to differentiate between aggression that arises from transient, situational stimuli, such as traffic congestion, being cut off, or experiencing incivility on the road, and aggression that stems from enduring personality traits, including hostility, impulsivity, or low frustration tolerance (Dahlen et al., 2005). Understanding this dual mechanism provides valuable insight into why certain drivers may respond aggressively under specific circumstances, while others demonstrate a chronic pattern of aggressive driving behavior, regardless of situational triggers. This distinction is critical for developing interventions that address both situational factors and individual predispositions contributing to road rage.

Situational events in state aggression often create a sense of perceived injustice or loss of control, evoking heightened emotional arousal. This emotional state may manifest as impulsive, aggressive behaviors like excessive honking, tailgating, shouting, or gesturing at other drivers. Importantly, state aggression is highly context-dependent, meaning it is directly tied to the presence of the triggering stimuli. Once the stressor is resolved or removed, the aggressive response typically subsides, and emotional equilibrium is restored (Hennessy & Wiesenthal, 1999). For instance, a driver stuck in gridlocked traffic may experience escalating irritability, leading to outward expressions of frustration such as repeatedly honking the horn or glaring at nearby drivers. However, this aggression is temporary and often dissipates once the driver exits the congested area and resumes smooth driving on an open road. This transient nature of state aggression underscores its situational basis, distinguishing it from more enduring patterns of behavior. Trait aggression, by contrast, reflects a driver’s consistent predisposition to exhibit aggressive behaviors, regardless of external circumstances. This trait is closely tied to personality factors such as hostility, sensation-seeking, and poor impulse control (Dahlen & White, 2006). Drivers with high trait aggression are more likely to interpret neutral or ambiguous driving behaviors, such as being overtaken, as deliberate offenses. This consistent misinterpretation may lead to chronic aggressive behaviors, including road rage incidents and reckless driving patterns.

Research Design

The study employed a qualitative design to describe the attitude of Nigerian drivers regarding road rage. Similar to other qualitative studies, this study explored the subject of road rage in Nigeria by collecting information on the experiences of a small group of Nigerian drivers. This allowed for the gathering of general insights into the pattern of thought, feelings, and behaviors of Nigerian drivers as it pertains to road rage. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews providing a unique, uncensored, and in-depth understanding of their views and experiences. The research was conducted as a cross-sectional study, with all data gathered at a single point in time, ensuring a snapshot of attitudes during the study period. The study consisted of 10 drivers, who were either commercial or private. Commercial drivers drive their vehicles intending to make a profit, while private drivers only drive their cars for personal purposes. The study included 5 male commercial drivers, 1 female commercial driver, 3 female private drivers, and 1 male private driver.

Research Instrument

The primary research instrument utilized in this study was a semi-structured interview guide developed to explore the attitudes and experiences of Nigerian drivers regarding road rage. This tool was designed to facilitate in-depth discussions, allowing participants to express their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors openly while maintaining a structured framework to address the study’s objectives. To ensure the reliability and validity of the instrument, the interview guide was subjected to expert review by professionals in psychology and transportation studies. It was also pretested with two drivers outside the main study sample to identify and rectify any ambiguities or overly complex questions. The interview guide consisted of two sections. The first section highlighted the demographic information of respondents across gender, driver status (commercial or private), years of driving experience, and mode of learning to drive. These details provided a context for understanding individual differences in perceptions and behaviors. The main interview session employed open-ended questions to delve into participants' personal experiences, causes, reactions, and perspectives on road rage. Participants were asked to share specific incidents of road rage, discuss potential triggers, describe their typical responses to provocation (including verbal, emotional, and physical reactions), and assess the likelihood of reporting such incidents to authorities. Other tools and resources used in combination with the interview guide included an audio recorder (phone), pen, and notebook.

• Procedure and Data Analysis

The interviews conducted to collect data from the participants (drivers) held on the 9th of November, 2024. It was conducted at a bus park at Akoka, and different parking lots located at the University of Lagos. The participants were randomly selected at each location and briefed on the nature and purpose of the interview. The interview questions were poised to allow the drivers to express themselves with little interference from the interviewer. The interviewer informed each participant that they were being recorded and they all gave their consent. Before the actual interview commenced, each participant provided demographic information. The participants were not informed of any time limit but each of the interviews took less than 10 minutes to conduct. The data obtained from the interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis, a qualitative approach suitable for identifying and interpreting patterns within textual data. The recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim to ensure accuracy and to preserve the richness of the participants' responses. The transcripts were then reviewed and coded manually to identify recurring themes and key insights relevant to road rage among Nigerian drivers. Thematic coding involved categorizing the data into pre-determined themes, such as experiences with road rage, perceived causes, reactions to provocation, willingness to report incidents, and consequences of road rage. Sub-themes that emerged organically from the data were also incorporated to capture unique perspectives and nuances. The coding process was iterative, involving repeated readings of the transcripts to refine and validate the themes identified.

Findings

This section outlines the study findings which have been synthesized to provide a comprehensive narrative that highlights the drivers' attitudes, behaviors, and perceptions regarding road rage, offering valuable insights into its occurrence and impact in the Nigerian context.

• Demographic Patterns of Road Rage Experience

This section explores how gender, driver status, years of driving and mode of learning shape the nature and perception of road rage. As indicated in Table 1, the study's participants consisted of ten drivers, with a gender distribution favoring males, who accounted for six participants (60%), while females made up the remaining four participants (40%). Male drivers dominated the commercial driving category, while majority of the female participants were private drivers. This reflects a clear gender-based division of roles, with men predominantly engaged in commercial driving and women more involved in private driving. In terms of driver status, six participants (60%) were commercial drivers. The remaining four participants (40%) were private drivers, comprising all female participants and one male participant. The participants' years of driving experience varied. Half of the participants (50%) had over ten years of experience, including individuals from both genders and across commercial and private driving categories. Four participants (40%) reported having between five and ten years of driving experience, mostly male commercial drivers alongside one female private driver. Only one participant (10%) had less than five years of driving experience, a female private driver. This indicates that most participants were seasoned drivers with substantial exposure to Nigerian road dynamics. When considering the mode of learning, six participants (60%) identified as self-taught drivers, with the majority being male commercial drivers and one female private driver. Three participants (30%) acquired their skills through driving schools, representing both genders and a mix of private and commercial drivers. One participant (10%), a female private driver, learned through a combination of a significant other. The prevalence of self-taught drivers underscores a potential gap in formal driving education, particularly among commercial drivers.

Table 1: Demographic Distribution of Participants

Gender plays a significant role in shaping the experiences and dynamics of road rage, with distinct patterns emerging in how male and female drivers navigate and respond to conflicts on the road. These patterns reveal not only behavioral differences but also societal expectations and pressures that influence the nature of these encounters. As obtained from the analyses, male participants tended to recount road rage involving intense confrontations, often culminating in physical altercations or threats. They expressed frustration at other drivers' actions, particularly in high-pressure traffic situations such as overtaking or competition for passengers. For example, Participant 6 narrated a severe incident involving two drivers fighting after colliding, leading to extensive damage and police involvement. Similarly, female participants also reported frequent experiences of road rage. However, their narratives emphasized verbal confrontations and societal expectations of gendered behavior. Female drivers encountered assumptions of male deference, which sometimes escalated into conflicts. For instance, participant 7 described intervening in a road rage scenario where a female driver initiated a physical altercation with a male driver, exacerbating the conflict.

For commercial drivers, road rage was often linked to the demands and challenges of their occupation, such as the constant competition for passengers and the necessity of navigating Lagos' notoriously chaotic traffic conditions. The high-stakes environment, coupled with the pressure to meet daily earnings, frequently led to heated exchanges, aggressive maneuvers, and even physical confrontations. Insults and cursing were described as commonplace, while incidents of road rage sometimes escalated to dangerous levels, with tragic consequences. For instance, Participant 1 recounted a violent altercation triggered by overtaking in traffic, which ultimately resulted in a fatality. Private drivers, on the other hand, also reported frequent encounters with road rage, though their experiences tended to be less occupationally driven and more tied to personal perceptions of disrespect, entitlement, or competition on the road. These drivers often admitted to feeling provoked by other motorists' actions, responding with aggression as a means of asserting their rights or addressing perceived slights. Participant 10, for example, openly acknowledged adopting an aggressive driving style, particularly when feeling challenged by other drivers.

Driving experience is logically expected to influence perceptions and responses to road rage, shaping how individuals understand and navigate confrontational situations on the road. Participants' accounts from the study transcripts reveal how varying levels of driving exposure, ranging from extensive to limited, affect their involvement in and reactions to road rage incidents in Lagos. Participants with extensive driving experience (above 10 years) reported road rage as an ingrained part of Lagos driving culture, often normalized through frequent exposure. They emphasized both personal involvement and witnessing extreme incidents. For example Participant 8 recounted a violent encounter shared by an acquaintance. Drivers in the range of 5-10 years driving experience were more likely to share personal stories of escalation resulting from misunderstandings or errors. Their accounts highlighted the learning curve associated with road rage management. For instance Participant 3 described three incidents where road rage escalated due to misunderstandings on the road. Limited experience (below 5 years) of driving did not reduce exposure to road rage in Lagos metropolis. Instead, these drivers highlighted the inevitability of confrontations in Lagos traffic. This is evident in participant 7’s daily experience of road rage despite limited driving experience.

In terms of learning modes, Self-taught drivers frequently attributed road rage to the behaviors of other drivers or external factors such as chaotic traffic conditions, often portraying themselves as reactive rather than proactive participants in such situations. Their narratives were marked by direct confrontations, sometimes escalating to physical altercations. For example, Participant 3 recounted multiple incidents where other drivers’ actions, such as cutting into lanes or sudden stops, led to collisions. While acknowledging moments of personal oversight, the participant emphasized that the root cause of these conflicts was the perceived incompetence or recklessness of other drivers. This tendency to externalize responsibility may reflect the lack of structured training that driving schools typically provide, leaving self-taught drivers to rely on instinct and experiential learning in high-pressure traffic environments. In contrast, participants who learned to drive through formal instruction at driving schools tended to view road rage through a broader lens, often framing it as a systemic issue embedded in Lagos’s driving culture rather than an individual failing. These participants were more likely to describe witnessing incidents of road rage rather than instigating them, which may reflect the defensive driving strategies emphasized in formal training. For instance, Participant 10 admitted to occasionally being aggressive on the road but contextualized this behavior as a response to the pervasive pressures of navigating Lagos traffic. This participant's acknowledgment of their aggression was tempered by an understanding of the cultural and infrastructural challenges that contribute to high-stress driving environments, such as poor road conditions and the competitive nature of Lagos drivers.

• Causes of Road Rage

The analysis of participants' narratives reveals four primary themes that contribute to the prevalence of road rage: behavioral factors, socioeconomic pressures, traffic dynamics, and substance use. Each of these themes provides unique insights into the triggers and perpetuation of aggressive driving behavior. The following paragraphs delve into these themes, incorporating verbatim excerpts from participants to illustrate how these factors contribute to the occurrence of road rage in Nigeria.

Behavioral factors play a significant role in the prevalence of road rage among Nigerian drivers, as participants consistently pointed to impatience, aggression, and a lack of courtesy and discipline as catalysts for confrontations on the road. Impatience, in particular, was highlighted as a critical issue, with Participant 3 remarking, "Many drivers are trying to ‘go first’ and move along quickly. We are not patient.” This lack of patience manifests in situations where drivers refuse to wait their turn or prioritize their convenience over others, leading to escalating tensions in traffic. Aggression also surfaces as a recurring theme, often exacerbated by misunderstandings or perceived slights. Participant 7 emphasized how easily drivers resort to insults, saying, “It is very easy to curse another driver on the road. If we had the individual courtesy and understanding that we should not use certain words even when we are angry, road rage could be avoided.” Such verbal aggression often acts as a spark for more serious confrontations, particularly in a culture where retaliatory behavior is common. The lack of discipline among drivers compounds these issues. Participant 10 noted, “A major reason for road rage is that many of us do not obey traffic/driving rules. We do not obey it at all.” This disregard for established norms, such as failing to use turn signals or cutting off other drivers, creates confusion and conflict on the road. Similarly, Participant 1 criticized drivers who ignore traffic rules, stating, “Even some who know the laws simply do what they please and refuse to allow the other driver to pass.” Such behavior demonstrates a lack of consideration for the shared nature of road use and fuels resentment among other drivers. The absence of courtesy, both verbal and non-verbal, further exacerbates road rage incidents. Participant 7 lamented the cultural gap in politeness, explaining, “We lack this culture of courtesy.” This lack of interpersonal respect often escalates situations that could have been defused with a simple gesture or acknowledgment of fault.

The influence of socioeconomic factors on road rage among Nigerian drivers was associated with the frustrations arising from economic pressures and environmental stressors. Several participants highlighted how these broader societal challenges spill over into driving behaviors, creating a fertile ground for conflict on the roads. Frustration stemming from the economic realities in Nigeria was a recurring theme in the narratives. Participant 8 succinctly captured this sentiment: “A lot of people are frustrated as a result of the economic situation of the nation. This has increased road rage. Frustration is all over the place. People are under so much pressure." This statement underscores how the daily struggles of individuals, from financial difficulties to job-related stresses, manifest as heightened irritability and a lower tolerance for inconveniences on the road. Environmental stressors, particularly in urban settings like Lagos, further exacerbate these frustrations. Participant 9 described how the high-pressure environment of the city adds to drivers’ agitation: "You know Lagos is so tense. The environment in Lagos causes people to get angry anyhow." This tension, previously amplified by notorious traffic congestion in the city, now appears to be more influenced by the overarching economic climate. Participant 9 noted, "It used to be the traffic situation in Lagos; now it is the economy that is making people go haywire on the road." The interplay between economic and environmental factors creates a ripple effect on the mental states of drivers, making them more prone to aggression and confrontational behavior. The stress of daily survival, coupled with external pressures like navigating busy streets, leads to a tipping point where minor road incidents escalate into full-blown rage.

Traffic dynamics, marked by the violation of rules, competition between drivers, and frequent misunderstandings during navigation, were highlighted in the participants’ narratives. One of the most significant traffic-related factors was the widespread violation of traffic rules. This disregard for traffic regulations, as noted by Participant 10, leads to confusion and frustration on the road: “A major reason for road rage is that many of us do not obey traffic/driving rules. We do not obey it at all.” This sentiment is echoed by Participant 1, who pointed out that even those who know the traffic laws often choose to ignore them: “Even some who do, simply do what they please and refuse to allow the other driver to pass.” This lack of adherence to established norms, such as failure to signal turns, cutting off other vehicles, or driving in the wrong lane, creates a chaotic and unpredictable road environment, which increases the likelihood of drivers clashing with one another. Competition among drivers also emerged as a key factor in the escalation of road rage. Participant 6 highlighted how the desire to gain an advantage, especially in commercial driving, fuels aggressive behavior: “Many drivers try to get more passengers in any way possible. This causes competition between drivers and violence follows.” The intense competition for passengers in a crowded market leads to reckless driving and an atmosphere where one driver's gain is seen as another's loss. This drive to ‘win’ on the road often results in confrontations, both verbal and physical. Additionally, misunderstandings during navigation further contribute to the volatility of traffic situations. Participants described how confusion over intentions, such as whether a driver plans to turn or change lanes, can lead to frustrations. Participant 1 explained: “The purpose of ‘trafficating’ is so you can let other drivers know what you intend to do in traffic. But many drivers do not follow traffic laws...and simply do what they please and refuse to allow the other driver to pass.”

Substance use, particularly the consumption of alcohol and smoking, emerges as a contributing factor to road rage among Nigerian drivers. Participants highlighted how these behaviors impair judgment, reduce focus, and lead to erratic driving, all of which heighten the likelihood of conflicts on the road. The influence of alcohol and smoking on driving behavior was explicitly mentioned by Participant 3, who stated: “It is also common for drivers who smoke or drink to be carried away and not focus on the road.” This observation underscores the role of substance use in reducing drivers’ attentiveness, leading to behaviors that may provoke frustration or aggression in other road users. Such distractions can result in unintentional violations of traffic rules, creating misunderstandings or dangerous situations that escalate into road rage. Erratic behavior caused by substance use not only affects the driver consuming the substances but also impacts the overall traffic environment. A driver under the influence may weave unpredictably through lanes, fail to signal intentions, or react aggressively to perceived slights. This unpredictability can provoke other drivers, especially in high-pressure traffic scenarios. Although only one participant directly referenced substance use, it is an important element to consider in understanding road rage. The impaired ability to manage emotions and maintain self-control, coupled with the physiological effects of substances, makes drivers more prone to anger and confrontation.

• Reporting and Resolving Road Rage Incidents

A recurring sentiment among participants was the perception that reporting road rage incidents is largely futile, primarily due to the absence of structured mechanisms for addressing such issues. Drivers frequently highlighted a lack of clear procedures or channels for reporting these incidents, making the process seem cumbersome and ineffective. Some participants mentioned that even when reports are made, there is often no meaningful follow-up or resolution, leaving the issues unresolved and reinforcing the belief that their efforts would be in vain. The absence of visible deterrents or swift punitive measures for aggressive behavior on the roads further discourages individuals from seeking formal intervention. This perceived inefficacy is compounded by concerns that engaging with law enforcement could backfire, potentially implicating the reporter in unnecessary complications or leading to extortion by authorities. For many drivers, the time and energy required to pursue such reports are seen as detracting from their work, making it more practical to avoid institutional channels altogether. As a result, incidents of road rage are often ignored or addressed informally, perpetuating a cycle of underreporting and institutional inertia.

For participant who acknowledged the role of law enforcement in resolving road rage issues, distrust in these law enforcement agencies emerged as a pervasive theme, with participants consistently expressing skepticism about the ability or willingness of agencies like LASTMA and the police to handle road rage incidents effectively. This distrust is rooted in perceptions of inefficiency and corrupt practices, where law enforcement is seen as prioritizing personal gain over public service. Several participants noted that officials often arrest everyone involved in an altercation indiscriminately, without distinguishing between aggressors and mediators. Others highlighted how such encounters frequently become opportunities for extortion, further discouraging drivers from seeking official intervention. The perception that law enforcement prioritizes clearing traffic rather than addressing underlying disputes also contributes to this distrust. Participants expressed a lack of faith in the procedural fairness of these agencies, often viewing their involvement as complicating matters rather than resolving them. This pervasive mistrust underscores why drivers prefer to handle disputes informally within their community or avoid involvement altogether, as engaging with law enforcement is perceived as an unreliable and burdensome recourse.

Community self-regulation emerged as a dominant preference among participants, reflecting a collective reliance on informal mechanisms over institutional involvement for resolving road rage disputes. Drivers often view themselves as part of a tightly-knit community, where mutual support and shared understanding take precedence over reporting incidents to formal authorities. Many participants emphasized their preference to mediate conflicts personally or involve trusted informal local authorities, such as “agberos” (street-level transport union members), who are seen as effective mediators with a vested interest in maintaining order among drivers. This reliance on community-based solutions stems from a belief that such approaches are quicker, more practical, and less likely to escalate conflicts. By contrast, institutional involvement is perceived as both time-consuming and fraught with risks, including extortion or arbitrary detentions by law enforcement. Additionally, participants underscored a cultural obligation to maintain solidarity among drivers, often resolving disputes on-site to minimize disruptions to their work and livelihood. This preference for self-regulation highlights a deeper mistrust in formal systems and a practical recognition of the efficacy of community-centered approaches to conflict resolution.

The study found that male drivers were more prone to engaging in intense and sometimes physical confrontations, whereas female drivers primarily experienced verbal conflicts. This aligns with studies such as Wickens et al. (2012) and Cordellieri et al. (2016), who reported that male drivers are generally more aggressive on the road than females, largely due to societal norms that associate masculinity with dominance and risk-taking. Similarly, Im et al. (2018) highlighted that males drivers are more likely to view aggression as an acceptable response to provocation on the road, especially in the commercialized sector (Umukoro & Okurame, 2017). In contrast, female drivers in the current study reported feeling pressured by societal expectations of deference, which often escalated into confrontations. This finding complements Cordellieri et al.’s (2024) argument that women face unique challenges in male-dominated road environments, including stereotyping and patronizing behaviors that contribute to road rage incidents. Findings further underscore the occupational challenges faced by commercial drivers, such as intense competition for passengers and navigating chaotic traffic conditions, which often precipitate road rage. These findings are supported by Montoro et al. (2018), who found that professional drivers face higher levels of stress due to job demands, leading to more frequent aggressive driving behaviors. Moreover, the financial pressures described by the participants mirror conclusions from Kitara and Karlsson (2020), who linked economic stress to heightened aggression among drivers. In contrast, private drivers in the study reported road rage incidents stemming from personal slights and perceived disrespect, reflecting a less occupationally driven but still emotionally charged interaction with other road users.

Driving experience played a significant role in shaping perceptions and reactions to road rage. Participants with over ten years of experience described road rage as normalized behavior within Lagos’s driving culture, consistent with findings by Bjureberg and Gross (2021), who noted that habitual exposure to aggression on the road can lead to desensitization and normalization. Drivers with five to ten years of experience shared personal stories of escalation, indicative of a learning curve in managing road conflicts. Novice drivers, with less than five years of experience, were not exempt from road rage but emphasized their vulnerability in such encounters. These observations align with Mesken et al. (2007), who identified experience as a mitigating factor in emotional responses to driving conflicts, suggesting that seasoned drivers develop coping mechanisms to navigate road rage. The mode of learning significantly influenced drivers’ behaviors and perceptions of road rage. Self-taught drivers reported higher involvement in confrontational incidents, often externalizing blame. This finding is consistent with research by Akbari et al. (2021), which noted that informal driving education often results in a lack of adherence to traffic rules and defensive driving practices. In contrast, participants who attended driving schools demonstrated greater restraint and a systemic view of road rage, aligning with the principles of defensive driving emphasized in formal training (Aljagoub et al., 2023). The study also highlighted the role of significant others in teaching driving skills, particularly among female drivers, as a unique factor contributing to a mix of defensive and confrontational driving behaviors.

The study identified impatience, aggression, socioeconomic pressures, traffic rule violations, and environmental stress as primary contributors to road rage. Behavioral factors such as impatience and aggression corroborate findings by Wickens et al. (2013), who found that stress and time urgency are critical predictors of aggressive driving. The role of socioeconomic pressures, particularly in a high-stress environment like Lagos, aligns with studies like Otto and Simeon (2022), which link economic hardship to increased irritability and conflict on the road. Furthermore, traffic rule violations and chaotic driving environments were consistent with findings by Onyeneke (2018), who highlighted the relationship between non-compliance with traffic laws and road rage incidents. While these findings align with global patterns of road rage, some cultural nuances are evident. For instance, the normalization of road rage in Lagos traffic culture contrasts with studies in Western contexts, such as Harris et al. (2014), where road rage is often viewed as an aberration rather than an accepted norm. Additionally, the gendered experiences of road rage in this study reflect unique societal norms and pressures within the Nigerian context, which differ from findings in more egalitarian driving cultures (Singh, & Reddy, 2021).

Further results on the perception that reporting road rage is futile due to a lack of structured mechanisms has been supported by studies highlighting infrastructural and procedural gaps in road traffic management systems (Ohajinwa-Udonna-Ogbue et al., 2023). These gaps manifest in ambiguous reporting processes and an absence of clear accountability pathways, which discourage individuals from seeking formal intervention. As noted by Gana and Emmanuel (2014) the inefficacy of enforcement mechanisms in Nigeria often leaves road users feeling disillusioned about the utility of formal reporting, perpetuating a cycle of neglect and underreporting. Participants’ concerns about extortion and complications when engaging with law enforcement echo findings by Akinola and Olowookere (2019), who identified corrupt practices within traffic enforcement agencies as a key deterrent to public cooperation. The indiscriminate arrest practices reported in this study are consistent with observations by Ononye (2018), who noted that Nigerian law enforcement often operates with a punitive rather than restorative focus, further eroding public trust. These practices exacerbate drivers’ fear of unnecessary entanglement and financial exploitation, aligning with broader critiques of the country's law enforcement framework.

The theme of distrust in law enforcement aligns with studies that have documented systemic inefficiency and corruption in Nigeria’s policing systems. According to Basco-Galangco and Chinayo (2022), law enforcement agencies are frequently perceived as prioritizing personal gain over public safety, which diminishes their legitimacy in the eyes of citizens. The perception that authorities are more interested in clearing traffic than resolving disputes mirrors findings by Nwobi-Okoye (2011), who observed that functional objectives such as maintaining traffic flow often take precedence over addressing behavioral issues among road users. This operational misalignment reinforces skepticism about the fairness and effectiveness of law enforcement interventions. The reliance on community self-regulation over institutional mechanisms highlights an adaptive response to systemic inadequacies, consistent with findings from informal dispute resolution studies (Khan & Das, 2020). Participants’ preference for mediation by local authorities like ‘agberos’ reflects a pragmatic approach to conflict resolution, rooted in immediacy and cost-efficiency. This practice also aligns with cultural norms that emphasize solidarity and collective responsibility within occupational groups, as noted by Kolawole and Ekundayo (2012). The prioritization of informal over formal systems for addressing disputes points to the limited reach of institutional frameworks in contexts where community-based solutions are perceived as more effective and less risky.

Recommendations for the Nigerian Context

To address road rage in Nigeria effectively, it is essential to tackle the underlying gender-specific challenges that male and female drivers face. Public awareness campaigns should challenge stereotypes that perpetuate aggression toward women drivers while promoting mutual respect among all road users. Additionally, defensive driving courses tailored for women can empower them to handle confrontations confidently and mitigate the societal pressures they often encounter on the road. These measures can help create a more inclusive and supportive driving environment. Formal driving education also plays a critical role in reducing road rage incidents. Making attendance at accredited driving schools mandatory for obtaining a driver’s license can significantly curb the prevalence of self-taught drivers, who often lack adherence to traffic rules. Incorporating defensive driving techniques into driving school curricula will equip drivers with practical tools to de-escalate conflicts and navigate stressful traffic situations safely. Such structured training can help foster a culture of responsible driving across Nigeria.

Reforming law enforcement practices is another crucial step. Corruption within traffic enforcement agencies should be addressed through stricter oversight, transparency, and the use of technology, such as body cameras and automated ticketing systems. Establishing clear and accessible reporting mechanisms for road rage incidents, such as mobile apps or dedicated hotlines, can encourage individuals to seek intervention without fear of retaliation. Traffic officers should also receive training in de-escalation and mediation techniques, building public trust and fostering cooperation between drivers and law enforcement. The economic pressures faced by commercial drivers necessitate targeted interventions. Subsidizing operational costs through measures like fuel price support and maintenance grants can help alleviate financial stressors that often contribute to road rage. Simultaneously, improving road infrastructure and implementing traffic decongestion initiatives will address the frustrations of chaotic traffic conditions, reducing triggers for aggressive behavior.

Cultural change is essential for long-term improvement. Nationwide campaigns promoting courteous and patient driving can shift societal norms, emphasizing the dangers of road rage and the benefits of mutual respect. Celebrities, influential figures, and transport union leaders should be engaged in advocacy efforts to model safe and respectful road behaviors. Psychological support services, including counseling for professional drivers, can help them manage the emotional triggers and stress that often lead to aggressive driving. Finally, enhancing compliance with traffic regulations is vital. Deploying more traffic officers to key areas and ensuring their visibility can deter violations and reduce instances of road rage. Public accountability platforms that allow citizens to report on the performance of law enforcement agencies can further enhance transparency and discourage corrupt practices. Continued research and monitoring of road rage trends will ensure that interventions remain relevant and effective, fostering a safer and more harmonious driving culture in Nigeria.

In conclusion, this study provides a microcosm of the nature of road rage in Lagos, Nigeria, shaped by gender dynamics, socioeconomic pressures, driving experience, and systemic inefficiencies in law enforcement. Male drivers’ aggressive tendencies and female drivers’ unique challenges highlight the need for targeted interventions that address societal norms and foster mutual respect on the road. The findings also emphasize the critical role of formal driving education and defensive driving in mitigating road conflicts, as well as the detrimental impact of occupational stress and economic hardship on commercial drivers. Furthermore, the study highlights the pervasive distrust in law enforcement, driven by corruption and inefficiency, which perpetuates reliance on informal conflict resolution mechanisms. It is believed that if these issues are addressed through comprehensive reforms, cultural reorientation, and infrastructure improvement, it would help create a safer, more equitable driving environment. Ultimately, these efforts must be supported by robust public awareness campaigns, community-driven initiatives, and continuous research to ensure long-term behavioral and systemic change.

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